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Record closed August 24, 2026
High threat to public lands

Stop rollback of safeguards on public lands drilling

Oil and Gas Leasing

Bureau of Land ManagementFederal Register 2026-12734 ↗

Caribou on foggy tundra
Pictured: Caribou on foggy tundra

A new federal rule would weaken the financial protections meant to ensure oil companies clean up abandoned wells on public lands.

What’s at risk

Public lands across the country face the risk of unplugged, leaking abandoned wells if drilling companies lack sufficient bonds to cover cleanup costs. Lowering bond requirements means taxpayers could be left paying for reclamation when companies walk away.

If this goes through

Bond amounts for oil and gas operations on public land would drop back to pre-2024 levels, reducing the financial guarantee that companies will clean up their wells and potentially leaving contaminated sites on public lands for years.

Our plain-English read of the official notice ↗. Check it against the agency’s own words below.

6 holes in the agency’s own analysis

What the public could have raised, from the agency’s own document

  • I oppose this action as proposed, and I ask the agency to weigh the specific harms below.
  • In the section proposing to cut bond minimums by 93-95 percent, BLM itself states that lower bonds could reduce operators' incentive to reclaim wells and increase risk to public lands and ecosystems. The agency's proposed fix is to rely on the same periodic bond-adequacy-review policy that existed before this admission, without showing that policy is sufficient to offset the specific risk it just identified. BLM should analyze and disclose how bond adequacy reviews alone will prevent the increased default and non-reclamation risk it acknowledges.
  • BLM explicitly states the new per-page protest fee is not meant to recover its $2,470 average processing cost per protest, but rather to change protester behavior by discouraging long filings. At the same time, the agency's own data show that protests are the norm, not the exception, occurring on more than 70 percent of parcels and 100 percent of parcels in fiscal year 2022. A fee designed to suppress a form of public participation that the agency's own statistics show is the standard practice, rather than an aberration, needs stronger justification than administrative convenience. BLM should justify the fee against its actual chilling effect on this widely used comment mechanism or drop it.
  • BLM proposes to eliminate the 30-day scoping and 30-day comment periods during NEPA review, but justifies this in the same discussion by asserting that the agency 'already conducts thorough environmental reviews and assessments that include opportunities for public input at various stages.' This directly undercuts the removal, since the scoping and comment periods being eliminated are themselves among those very opportunities for public input. BLM should identify with specificity what public input opportunities will remain equivalent to the eliminated periods, or restore them.
  • For the change to the combined hydrocarbon lease royalty rate under Subpart 3140, BLM admits it performed no analysis of the financial effect on the three remaining pending applications, dismissing the issue solely because the number of applications is small. A change that alters the royalty obligation on pending applications from 16.67 percent to 12.5 percent has a direct, calculable revenue effect on both the applicants and the Treasury regardless of how few applications remain, and the agency should quantify it rather than waive analysis based on scope alone.
Show all 8 points from the document
  • BLM defends removing the requirement for BLM to notify or identify private surface owners when Federal minerals underlying their land are proposed for lease, reasoning only that the MLA does not require such notice. The agency does not address the practical burden this places on surface owners who will no longer be identified in the EOI process and may not learn that oil and gas leasing is proposed beneath their property until later stages. BLM should analyze the impact of removing this identification requirement on surface owners' ability to participate in the leasing process.
  • BLM asserts that returning the siting distance from 800 to 200 meters and the timing limitation from 90 to 60 days will cause no adverse impacts to other resources, relying solely on an 18-year-old IBLA case confirming BLM's authority to move operations, not on any updated resource analysis. The agency does not analyze whether the smaller minimum buffer and shorter timing window will affect wildlife, habitat, or other resource values under current conditions, despite citing average lease size and technology change as the basis for the 2024 increase in the first place. BLM should provide a resource-specific analysis showing why reverting these minimums will not affect wildlife or habitat, rather than relying only on an IBLA holding about agency authority.
  • Say something only you can say. The law requires the agency to consider and respond to substantive comments, and specifics are what make a comment substantive.
Every point is checked against the agency’s own decision document ↗. 6 findings verified against the text, word for word.

In the agency’s own words

The Bureau of Land Management (BLM) is proposing to revise its oil and gas leasing regulations to reflect new requirements in the One Big Beautiful Bill Act (OBBB); policy direction in Executive Orders (E.O.) entitled Unleashing American Energy and Ensuring Lawful Governance and Implementing the President's "Department of Government Efficiency" Deregulatory Initiative and Modernizing Payments To and From America's Bank Account; and policy guidance in Secretary's Order entitled Unleashing American Energy. In addition, the proposed rule would reflect provisions of the Royalty Resiliency Act, which pertains to appli…

Federal Register 2026-12734 ↗

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Who signed this

Lanny E. Erdos

Director, Office of Surface Mining, Reclamation, and Enforcement Exercising Authority of the Assistant Secretary--Land and Minerals Management

A person signed this, not an agency. The window has closed and the signature stands, which is exactly when accountability matters.

What to say

Short is better. You are asking Assistant Secretary Erdos to answer for a decision their office made.

My name is [your name] and I'm calling from [your city and state]. Lanny E. Erdos, Director, Office of Surface Mining, Reclamation, and Enforcement Exercising Authority of the Assistant Secretary--Land and Minerals Management, signed the decision on Stop rollback of safeguards on public lands drilling. I'm asking that office to answer for it publicly. Please record that I called and tell me what the office intends to do.

Official channels only, about this decision. No personal phone numbers, no home addresses, no personal social accounts, and nothing abusive. The point is to make the office answer, and an abusive call is the one thing that lets it off the hook.